TV debate: initial twitter analysis shows level of support for party leaders and winners by topic

The NPCU is collaborating with Linguamatics, a leader in enterprise text mining, to carry out social media analysis through a series of events in 2010, including the TV election debates. Below are preliminary results of Linguamatics' linguistic analysis of 211,000 tweets sent by 47,420 twitterers from 8.30pm - 10pm on the night of the first UK election debate, April 15 2010.

The overall tweet analysis (Figure 1) shows that 65% of twitterers who expressed an opinion said that Nick Clegg performed best, followed by Gordon Brown (21%), and then David Cameron (14%). In contrast, the immediate post-debate poll by Sun/YouGov put Clegg ahead at 51%, Cameron at 29%, and Brown at 19%.


Figure 1 - Number of tweets showing positive sentiment towards each party leader

The twitterati also indicated that their top 5 issues were health, immigration, economy, education and crime, with Cameron winning on health, Clegg on immigration and education, and Brown on economy and crime (Figure 2). However, the combined analysis of winner per topic showed that the leaders were more evenly split (Figure 3) than for the debate as a whole (Figure 1).


Figure 2 - Winner per topic from number of relevant positive tweets


Figure 3 - Percentage of specific topics won by each leader

Linguamatics' linguistic analysis of the debate transcript itself (Figure 4) shows that the leaders talked about education most, followed by crime, health, tax and jobs, which revealed different priorities than for the twitterati.


Figure 4 - Words spoken about a particular topic per speaker

Commenting on these preliminary results, John M. Brimacombe, Executive Chairman of Linguamatics said: "For Twitter, we've demonstrated an objective way to detect real world opinion as it develops. However, this ability to filter huge volumes of text in real time has implications for decision-makers across the board."

Rather than only searching for specific keywords, Linguamatics uses natural language-based querying to find and summarize tweets that have the same meaning, however they are worded. The I2E text mining software developed at Linguamatics has been deployed by top-10 pharmaceutical companies since 2003 to analyze high volumes of information and drive decision making. Linguamatics has now adapted this technology for real-time social media analysis. I2E can automatically discover the wide-range of vocabulary used in tweets, including topic tags, and use linguistic processing to collect and summarize the thousands of ways people have of saying the same thing.

More analysis to follow the last two debates, and a detailed survey will follow the election itself. For further information please contact Ben.OLoughlin@rhul.ac.uk.

Media, Electoral Insurgency, and Nick Clegg

Many overview studies of British politics—including all of the major textbooks—are weak on integrating the role of media in shaping political outcomes. But following Nick Clegg's and the Liberal Democrats' extraordinary surge in the opinion polls over the last few days, on the back of a winning performance in the first live television leaders' debate on April 15, is this neglect justified?

Time will tell if the "yellow wave" endures, but it is unlikely that support will deflate all the way down to pre-campaign levels this side of polling day. 

In America, the internet has helped "insurgent" candidates with little initial support, funding, and campaign infrastructure. Howard Dean, the anti-war candidate who came from nowhere to having a shot at the Democratic party nomination in 2004, led the first major American campaign to harness the power of online networks.

Then there is Barack Obama. It seems strange today, but in the early phases of the 2008 contest, Obama was regarded by the mainstream electorate as a relatively obscure junior Senator. And in Hillary Clinton, he faced a formidable opponent with instant brand recognition and the initial support of the Democratic party elite.

In this British election, things are different. As Charlie Beckett argues, it is television, not the internet, that has played the predominant role in the Liberal Democrats' insurgency by raising public awareness of Clegg's approach as leader and of the Lib Dems as a party.

And yet, the internet is playing a significant role. The Times reports that in the 24 hours following the debate, the Lib Dems received £120,000 in small donations. By American standards, this is a paltry, almost laughable, sum, but by Britain's standards, for reasons explored elsewhere, it is dramatic. Precisely how much of this money was raised online is impossible to discern at this point. The fact, however, that the Lib Dems can name a figure with confidence so soon after the debate ended implies that the majority of it was online.

As Mark Pack has pointed out, the Lib Dems are now the only UK party to have a Facebook group—albeit an unofficial one—that has achieved a higher number of members than the subs-paying membership of the party itself. The group is called "We got Rage Against the Machine to #1, we can get the Lib Dems into office!" and as of 10.30am today (April 19) it had 95,000 members, putting it way ahead of all of the other party political Facebook groups and fan pages, official or otherwise. The group takes its name from the successful online charity campaign to prevent the winners of 2009's X-Factor talent show from reaching the number one slot in the music charts

The television debate acted as the catalyst, but the "we can get the Lib Dems into office" Facebook group keeps on growing. Mutual dependency between television and new media is what increasingly drives mediated electoral politics in the UK. 

The yellow surge bears some of the hallmarks of recent American electoral insurgencies. Polling shows that the party is picking up significant new support from voters under 35. Clegg is presenting himself as a "fresh" alternative to the "old parties." He is inviting the electorate to "think differently." He presents an image of youth and vitality. During the television debate, this paid off, sparking hugely positive media commentary for the entirety of the crucial weekend news cycle. 

For voters looking to punish MPs in the aftermath of the expenses scandal, the Lib Dems have an obvious advantage because they simply have fewer MPs and are arguably less likely to have been tainted than Labour and the Conservatives. The "we can get the Lib Dems into office" Facebook group could be evidence of this "outsider" appeal. Weakly aligned voters, especially the young to middle-aged, educated, middle-class citizens that dominate online politics, may be looking for something resembling a movement for reform. A hung parliament, leading to electoral reform as the price the Lib Dems will try to exact as a condition of supporting a minority administration, could be the key.

The internet is an insurgent's medium. We may be about to see it become a more prominent, if uncontrollable, force in the election campaign. The ways in which it interacts with broadcast media and the press is what we now need to analyse. This is a prominent theme in the new book I am currently writing in the small spaces between periods spent following what is turning out to be a truly fascinating election campaign...

Beyond the election: #DEBill, Twitter and a glimpse of Internet-enabled direct democracy

In the latest of his guest posts, Simon Collister assesses the campaign over the Digital Economy Bill.

Now that the UK General Election is officially underway the media have gone into overdrive with their coverage of what the BBC is calling the 'Digital Election'. They've even made technology correspondent, Rory Cellan-Jones, 'Digital Election Correspondent' for the duration.

Dominating the digital election coverage has been Twitter: from parties using it to mobilise supporters through to its role providing a back-channel for debating the performance of party leaders during the televised debates. The media and political blogosphere have even claimed their first Twitter ‘scalp’ of the election. And, as if further evidence were needed, the BBC's Cellan-Jones took the crucial step of agreeing on what the Election hashtag was going to be.

But I want to argue that Twitter’s most interesting role since the General Election was announced is not how UK political parties plan to use it to campaign, but rather how the online grassroots lobbying over the Government’s Digital Economy Bill has perhaps provided us with a glimpse at what a digitally empowered democracy might look like.

First some background: the Digital Economy Bill (henceforth known by its Twitter hashtag #DEBill) has generated a great deal of contention owing to it's pro-industry and anti-Internet clauses. These include forcing open wifi providers, such as cafes, bars, libraries, etc, to close their networks or face crippling penalties if used to download copyrighted material, handing unprecedented powers to the Government and State to block and censor websites it (or big business) doesn’t like and taking over domain names where it sees fit.

In addition, the Labour government has received further criticism for the way it used the dissolution of Parliament ahead of an election to have the Bill approved with a minimum of debate time and scrutiny.

As a result, a range of disparate groups - from digital rights campaigners to artists and photographers - saw the Internet as key battle-ground for opposing or adequately debating the Digital Economy Bill.

Ahead of #DEBill’s main debate, social media was predominantly used by campaigners to mobilise support, highlight a wide-ranging piece of legislation with low public awareness and lobby MPs to attend the debate.

As soon as the Bill entered the House of Commons, however, Twitter become the de facto real-time social media tool for lobbying and advising MPs on the Bill’s complex content. Moreover, it arguably gave rise to a situation that could almost be described as an emergent form of digital direct democracy.

I plan to take a look at this phenomenon and offer some commentary and analysis on the way Twitter allowed the public to engage with a traditionally closed democratic process. Before I do this, however, it’s helpful to take a quick quantitative look at the #DEBill case study.

According to Twitter analytics tool, What The Hashtag?, the number of tweets containing the #DEBill hashtag across a three day period totalled 55,977. This content only covers the window from 6th April when the Bill received its first reading in the Commons until 8th April when it was given its final reading in the Lords before being passed into Law.

Add to this evidence that tracking hashtags alone provides only approximately half of the relevant Twitter content around an issue (See p. 8 of Nick Anstead and Ben O’Louglin’s working paper on Twitter and the Viewertariat [opens as pdf]) and it could be suggested the overall level of public debate was significantly higher.

The sheer volume of Twitter debate during this time-frame and in the immediate pre- and post-debate periods helped push the hashtag to the third highest global trending topic on Twitter that week.

As Twitter’s trending agenda is usually dominated by US current affairs and entertainment topics, to have the debate about a complex piece of UK legislation trending just below Justin Bieber is in itself, a major achievement.

If we drill down into this data we can take a look at some of the specific ways in which the hashtag was used. I argue that there are two outcomes for the #DEBill Twitter debate. The primary outcome is essentially an instrumental one. That is, Twitter was used to connect the public with MPs and the parliamentary process in ways and on a scale not seen before. Secondarily, I believe the way the debate played out over Twitter had an impact on the wider reputation of politics and democracy in the UK. Coincidentally, this effect comes at a crucial time for UK politics as the country prepares itself for an election where many voters have low expectations of the main parties.

Turning to Twitter and the #DEBill’s instrumental effects on UK democracy first, I want to suggest that never before have we seen the detailed machinations of parliamentary process become so transparent and porous.

While parliamentary proceedings have been televised publicly by the BBC since 1998 (although available commercially from 1992-1998), televised content rarely reaches a wide audience unless the debate is particularly newsworthy. And while the Digital Economy Bill made some headlines, its complexity meant it was unlikely to engage a mainstream audience. 

During the debate, however, a group of dedicated individuals augmented live coverage of debate on BBC Parliament with a real-time stream of Twitter updates. This meant anyone with an Internet connection could track the debate live and in real-time by searching for and following the relevant hashtag.

Moreover, the use of Twitter photo and video sharing tools such as Twitpic and Yfrog were put to effective use allowing the Bill to be reported online through multimedia.

In an exchange (via Twitter) with one of the debate's most prolific tweeters, I likened this activity to a 'real-time Hansard'. While she played down the comparison due to Twitter not providing word-for-word coverage of the debate, it was certainly possible to follow the debate’s key arguments based on the verbatim information and contextual links to other online resources being tweeted.  

It's important to remember that it wasn’t just the public who were able to track and read about the debate using Twitter. A relatively small but significant number of MPs leading opposition to the Bill, including Eric Joyce, Tom Watson and Evan Harris, were using Twitter to engage with both constituents and opponents of the Bill during the debate.

Arguably, this sort of direct engagement, where members of the public are able to inform and shape MPs thinking on an issue of legislation is radical in the current professionalised world of lobbying. That this grassroots lobbying took place during a parliamentary debate and in real-time is perhaps a glimpse of what a more direct, Internet-enabled form of democracy might look like.

This glimpse didn’t go unnoticed by the BBC’s Rory Cellan-Jones, who noted on his blog that the #DEBill’s Twitter backchannel had 'a real sense that many people outside were connecting with the Parliamentary process for the first time'.

But as suggested above, the #DEBill debate on Twitter served an equally mportant role in influencing public attitudes towards politicians, Parliament and democracy in general. More specifically, it's possible to argue that the #DEBill debate presented the UK’s parliamentary democracy and politicians in a negative light, while at the same time portraying certain, tech-savvy MPs positively.

From a negative perspective, early in the debate a Twitter user took a photograph of a wide-angle shot of the Chamber shown on BBC Parliament’s coverage. The image reveals a largely empty House of Commons which clearly paints a highly unflattering picture of the seat of democracy. Of course, within minutes this image was widely shared via Twitpic.

The image generated outrage online as it appeared to reinforce the lack of interest in both the Bill and democratic process as a whole as, according to many, the Bill’s timing was deliberately scheduled to ensure it was rushed through Parliament with minimum oversight. Sample comments left on the Twitpic image suggest wide-spread contempt for Parliament and politicians:

 “Isn't it ironic how we're lambasted by MP's for not caring and not showing up to vote? Maybe they should lead by example...” - http://twitpic.com/photos/Saevio

 "'Democracy live' ... No, I think it just passed away." - http://twitpic.com/photos/pickoo

As the image was spread around the Internet similar comments emerged and led to many others questioning the number of MPs required for Parliament to be quorate and whether the current figure needs to be reviewed.

Meanwhile one user tallied up the visible number of MPs present to estimated the total percentage of MPs attending. According to the website Didmympbotherttoturnup, created in the hours after the debate, a mere 3% of MPs took part in the debate. This is in stark contrast to the 20,000 emails sent to MPs by the public lobbying them to attend.

Conversely, MPs who were engaging with the public via Twitter received support and personal thanks – both from constituents and non-constituents. In fact, one person went as far as creating a site that mapped the constituencies of MPs that voted against the Bill and who are standing for re-election. The site states its aim clearly:

“If you opposed the Digital Economy bill and want to say thank you, you may want to consider voting for them if they are your constituency MP (having made sure you are registered to vote in time for May 6). Alternatively if you can't vote for them, but are a member of their party you may wish to consider helping them get re-elected by canvassing or volunteering for their campaign. It's your choice."

Interestingly, if the image of an almost empty Parliament has become the negative meme for the #DEBill, a counter-image of tech-savvy MPs as saviours for democracy has also emerged.

Labour MP for West Bromich, Tom Watson, spear-headed the opposition to the Bill, breaking the Party whip in doing so. This image showing Tom updating what appears to be his Twitter feed mid-debate, was shared via Twitpic and tweeted widely.

Owing to his outspoken opposition to the Bill and his personal sacrifices in ensuring the Bill met with as much opposition as possible Tom can be seen as perhaps the first cross-party, cross-consitituency single-issue MP committed to championing authenticity and transparency with politics and parliamentary democracy.

About Simon Collister

Simon is Head of Nonprofit and Public Sector at We Are Social. He wil be guest blogging for us on topics related to the 2010 British general election campaign.

2010-09-02: Andrew Chadwick and James Stanyer presenting at the 2010 American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, Washington, DC

Professor Andrew Chadwick and Dr James Stanyer will be presenting a paper based on their ongoing research on change in the systemic characterstics of the British political communication environment to the 2010 APSA Annual Meeting in Washington, DC.

The conference runs September 2-5, 2010. Scheduling details will be announced in the summer.

2010-03-17 Christina Slade: Transnational Television Cultures: Reshaping Political Identities in the European Union

Christina Slade - Dean of Arts and Sciences,City University

Wednesday 17th March 2010, 5pm – 6.30pm

Founders West 101

This paper deals with the case of Arabic speakers in the EU, and the results of a seven nation (FP7 funded) enquiry into the ways they use Arabic television and its impact on their identities as citizens of the EU. In the EU Arabic speakers have access to a wide range of transnational television, as well as hundreds of rebroadcast national television channels. Our study is the first broadly based quantitative and qualitative study of these audiences, and raises fundamental questions about the new landscapes of cultural citizenship in the EU. This paper addresses both descriptive and analytic problems that have arisen from the data. How do we describe super (and sub-) national public spheres of this sort, and how do we analyse that data? Some of the conclusions were unexpected:  some communities are primarily bicultural (or translocal) watching local media from the their two nations of belonging, while others engage with  transnational media in Arabic, English and other languages and develop a more archetypally  ‘cosmopolitan’ viewpoint. Paradoxically it is those who travel regularly to their country of origin who are often bicultural, while refugees, students and others more firmly rooted in the EU are transnational in view.

Christina Slade is Dean of Arts and Social Sciences at City University London. She was Dean of Humanities at Macquarie University from 2003-8 and has taught at a number of universities including Universiteit Utrecht, as Professor of Media Theory, New York University, La Universidad Ibero Americana and the ITESM, in Mexico City. Her research interests range from issues in the philosophical foundations of communication theory, through issues of the global public sphere and its fragmentation under the impact of new technologies to questions relating to the development of reasoning skills using television product. She leads a seven nation EU-funded FP7 project entitled Media & Citizenship: Transnational Television Cultures: Reshaping Political Identities in the European Union.

For further information about the seminar please contact Ben.OLoughlin@rhul.ac.uk.



Strategic Narratives: New working paper

Ben O'Loughlin, together with colleagues Alister Miskimmon (Royal Holloway) and Andreas Antoniades (University of Sussex) have published a new working paper, Great Power Politics and Strategic Narratives. This comes out of our interest in how states use media to project their identity, values and interests into the international arena, and to ask how we can show what difference this narrative work makes. Whether around critical events like Iranian protests or the financial crisis, or generation-long public diplomacy 'hearts and minds' efforts, states compete to impose their narrative on where the world is going and what their role is in it. If you can get other major powers to see the international order in the way you want - as made up of sovereign entities, great civilisations, or tending towards cosmopolitan interdependence - then managing interactions in that order becomes a lot easier.

Whether one studies the US, EU or China, finance, security or climate change, strategic narratives are a lens to understand the positioning and dynamic interactions that are shaping world politics. A special section on strategic narratives will be held at the ECPR's 7th Pan-European IR conference in Stockholm in September 2010.

This is very much a work in progress and we welcome comments.

This paper emerges from a catalytic workshop at the International Studies Convention in New York in February 2009. We are grateful to Adam Fishwick at the Centre for Global Political Economy at the University of Sussex for arranging the publication.

Chris Perkins: New Reviews Editor of Media, War & Conflict

Congratulations to Chris Perkins, doctoral candidate at the NPCU, who will be taking over as Reviews Editor of the Sage journal Media, War & Conflict from the next issue. 

The journal seeks reviews of new books, policy reports, conferences, movies, TV miniseries, exhibits and other formats that address the intersection of media, war and conflict. If you are interested in writing a review, or have produced something we might seek to review, please contact C.J.Perkins@rhul.ac.uk. 

I will be joining Philip Seib, Barry Richards and Andrew Hoskins as Co-Editor, and thank Jane Price, Arlene Luck, Monica Schiza and Mila Steele for all their help in making the journal a success since we launched in April 2008.

Mumsnet, the general election and single-issue campaigning

Justine Roberts, founder of online mums and parenting community, Mumsnet, spoke at an Albion Society event on digital democracy last week and provided a fascinating insight into the future of politics, digital campaigning and organisational structures.

Justine questioned why so many politicians were keen to get in front of Mumsnet members and suggested the reasons may be more conventional than first thought.

Firstly, Mumsnet, as a concept or new media channel is much easier to grasp than other social media tools, such as Twitter. While Twitter is still largely a dangerous and mysterious tool to a lot of MPs, with inherent etiquette, esoteric terminology and demanding, difficult to manage real-time functionality, Mumsnet is much more like the Richard and Judy of media politics.

You have a 95% female community; mass membership (1m uniques a month) and since the media claimed the election a Mumsnet election the community has been on the watch-list of most Westminster hacks meaning what MPs say is likely to get reported in the traditional media.

Given this high level of awareness, does Mumsnet have any real political power, Justine asked.
The answer in short was, yes. Because, despite MPs' perceptions that Mumsnet is just another traditional media channel with a mass, passive readership, they've overlooked one major difference: participation and self-organisation.

Mumsnet real political potential lies in driving single-issue campaigns relevant to members. Justine gave an example where members had vociferously opposed plans by the Government to change the childcare voucher scheme, challenged the prime minister on a live webchat on the site, and pushed the most popular current Downing Street ePetition (currently standing at 99,000+ signatories). The campaign eventually caused Gordon Brown to change the unpopular policy.

Given this potential effect on policy, Government is now engaging the community proactively. The wisdom of the community is being exploited by the Department of Health, who are involving Mumsnet community members to help develop its policy towards women that have suffered miscarriages.

What this all adds up to, Justine suggested pragmatically, was that while Mumsnet may not have political power in the traditional sense, it certainly has power to mobilise its members in the same way organisations such as 38Degrees, the single-issue political mobilisation platform, can.

This was a fascinating comparison, given that Mumsnet is also a peer-to-peer support community for many other members as well as a more traditional news portal for even more.  I couldn't help wondering about the potential for a study of Mumsnet to test its organisational hybridity.

Finally, Justine dispelled the myth of the bloc vote in Mumsnet. Their own internal surveys of members' voting intentions revealed that party support is fairly evenly split across the three main parties. Despite this, however, the BNP was actually caught out trying to infiltrate discussions and shape debates around a fascist/far-right agenda.

While not entirely conclusive evidence of Mumsnet's organisational hybridity, Justine's conclusion could certainly be interpreted as reflecting the complex socio-technological structures at play within the community. “Mumsnet,” she concluded, “is a non-aligned mouthpiece for its community. It’s not a union bloc vote; it’s more like an octopus with pre-menstrual stress.”

About Simon Collister

Simon is Head of Nonprofit and Public Sector at We Are Social. He wil be guest blogging for us on topics related to the 2010 British general election campaign.

The Emerging Viewertariat

Today, Nick Anstead of the University of East Anglia and I publish our working paper dealing with the use of Twitter during the episode of BBC Question Time broadcast on 22nd October 2009, which featured BNP leader Nick Griffin.

In this preliminary piece we start to analyse a dataset of more than 40,000 tweets related to the broadcast. We theorise that the interaction of a major broadcast events and new media technologies is creating a proportion of the audience who amount to a Viewertariat – commenting, analysing, and discussing what they are watching in real time.

The full paper can be downloaded here, while the press release is here:

In their study Nick Anstead from the University of East Anglia and Ben O’Loughlin of Royal Holloway, University of London, argue that the boundaries between traditional broadcasting and new media are becoming blurred as more and more viewers use Twitter and other social media to comment in public on what they are watching. This is resulting in what the authors term the new ‘Viewertariat’ – a group that responds and gives meaning to events on screen, offering real-time feedback.

The researchers examined viewers’ reactions on Twitter to British National Party leader Nick Griffin’s controversial appearance on Question Time, the flagship BBC debate show. They found that as the episode was being broadcast, viewers were searching the internet for incriminating photos of Mr Griffin and feeding them into the real-time debate about how he was faring. They also found that fellow panellist Bonnie Greer, the playwright and critic, was the audiences’ favourite. A surge of ‘tweets’ – messages of up to 140 characters – occurred when she criticised the historical grounding for BNP policies and when an audience member addressed Griffin as “Dick Griffin”.

Dr Anstead and Dr O’Loughlin’s study, ‘The Emerging Viewertariat: Explaining Twitter Responses to Nick Griffin’s Appearance on BBC Question Time’ , takes the first steps to understanding how viewers of political programmes such as Question Time use technology to comment on broadcasts in real time. With televised debates between the main party leaders to take place in the run-up to the General Election, they believe the emerging Viewertariat raises important questions about how democracy works and public opinion is formed. For example, will public opinion become more divided because people see views they do not agree with, or will it converge as new authorities and viral content come to represent the new received wisdom?

Dr Anstead, lecturer in politics in the School of Political, Social and International Studies at UEA, said: “Nick Griffin’s appearance on Question Time was a significant event because it pointed towards a new way of watching major broadcast events. These forms of real-time participation in political events present an extraordinary opportunity to explore individuals’ political relations, understandings and motivations.

“There is the potential for viewers who aren’t part of the studio audience to participate in these televised political events, though broadcasters must be wary of the usual token gestures where they say “email us your opinion” just to fill time. This will force broadcasters to think about what meaningful participation would look like.”

The authors analysed 43,730 tweets posted before, during, and after the episode of Question Time, which was broadcast from 10.35pm to 11.40pm on October 22 last year. It was the first time a representative of the far right, in the form of MEP Griffin, had been invited to sit on the panel and his appearance drew some eight million viewers, more than three times its normal share.

The study points to a more profound shift in how media organisations and political parties understand their audiences. Instead of surveys and vox pops after a programme or speech is over, the researchers suggest real-time feedback could allow editors or politicians to adapt their messages as they are going out.

They also point to ways in which viewers can influence each other. Instead of sitting at home talking about what they’re watching with friends or family, they can see how the population as a whole is reacting.

Dr O’Loughlin, co-director of the New Political Communication Unit at Royal Holloway, added: “Obviously only a small cross-section of the population use Twitter or blog themselves, but the numbers are still significant and growing. There were over 50,000 live comments on Griffin’s appearance on Question Time. We expect more for the upcoming election debates.”

The most prolific individual tweeted 84 times during the Question Time episode studied. The most vocal 20pc of commentators produced more than half the tweets related to the programme, with seven tweets each. The average number of tweets per minute for the scheduled duration of the broadcast was 673.

The highest number of tweets, 1257, occurred at 23.20, just after Bonnie Greer made comments about BNP policies and Griffin’s academic qualifications. There was also a rise in the number of very positive terms used, in relation to both Greer’s comments and Griffin’s discomfort at them, as well as what is claimed to be his lacklustre performance. The quietest minute happened at 22.36, when only 201 tweets were posted. After the end of the programme the tweets declined, dropping down to under a hundred per minute less than an hour after the broadcast.



2010-03-01 Mapping the Impact of Online Information on the Political, Economic and Social Sphere, Google, London

1 March 2010, London

Co-Sponsored by Google UK and the University of Glasgow

The amount of information online is expanding daily: what do these changes mean for society? How does online information empower citizens and consumers? How does it challenge them? How can we predict the effect of new information technology on British society and its citizens? How are the working practices and traditions of academics and engineers inspired or challenged by the brave new information world?

Ben O'Loughlin will participate in a one-day closed conference bringing together Google employees, government officials, academics and journalists to reflect on the way the delivery of information is reshaping our world. The event is designed to launch innovative dialogue, ideas and collaborations working to understand our new, networked society. 

The conference is convened by Prof. Sarah Oates, University of Glasgow, and Sarah Hunter of Google London.