Talkin' Radio

Yesterday, I went to another excellent YouGovStone event at the US embassy (you may remember that Andy addressed an earlier meeting on online politics). This seminar was on the role of talk radio in election politics. I didn’t find it as intellectually rigorous as the first seminar, but it was very entertaining nonetheless, and offered some great first hand accounts by a number of practitioners (the panel consisted of American talk show hosts Stephanie Miller and Neal Boortz as well as British radioman Nick Ferrari and Indy journalist Yasmin Albi Brown).

The central question the panel aimed to address was what exactly was the influence of talk radio on the electorate. The hosts were keen to play down their role. Conservative Boortz claimed that he encouraged his audience to away and check the facts for themselves (the slightly odd implied logic of this argument is that one person can only influence another if they are telling them a lie). Miller agreed that she didn't greatly influence people; instead, those who listened to progressive radio were whipped up by the actions of the White House. Likewise Ferrari said that he didn't have influence, his show just reflected what his listeners were thinking. In contrast, Albi Brown argued that talk radio did influence people, citing the argument that there is a level of equivalence between what we feel able to say and what we actually aspire to do. 

My first reaction to these positions is to think they aren't so mutually exclusive, although they can seem so if they are taken to be two polar opposites, as seemed to occur last night. Remember, the classic definition of power is the ability to get someone to do something they wouldn't otherwise do. That doesn't necessarily entail changing their mind, but might involve catalysing opinions they hold into action or even giving them the confidence to express them in public. For that reason, both the positions expressed by members of the panel last night seem a bit wide of the mark. Albi Brown's view that Talk Radio generates alien opinions that would otherwise not be there is far too simplistic (and, as I blogged before, a position which the left is too frequently comfortable retreating to when seeking to explain their electoral failings). However, it is also wrong to claim, as the Talkshow hosts did, that the ability to broadcast and harness latent political feeling is not influence - and like any form of influence, that can be abused.

My theory gets me so excited

infinity.jpgWhy do so many books on new media and society have such hyperbolic titles? In the last year we’ve had David Weinberger’s Everything is Miscellaneous: The Power of the New Digital Disorder, Clay Shirky’s Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing Without Organizations, and Chris Anderson’s The Long Tail: How Endless Choice is Creating Unlimited Demand. Everything, everybody, endless, unlimited! But there is nothing new about having an impression of a trend and then extrapolating from it a book title suggesting a total transformation of human organisation. Nine years ago we saw James Gleick’s Faster: The Acceleration of Just About Everything. Whether just about everything has accelerated has been the subject of many sociological studies since. However, asking if the claims of Weinberger, Shirky and Anderson will be verified by studies in a decade is perhaps missing the point. Books like these are missionary. The authors want to make everything miscellaneous, help everybody organize without organizations, or deliver endless choice.

My (very small) piece of citizen journalism

[This post and another previous post relating to this issue were originally published on my own personal weblog].

Good news for anyone who read this recent post that I put up and agreed with my sentiments.If you go to the urls for the two ads on the Guardian website (here and here), you will see that they are listed as expired. However, if you refer back to the links in the original post – which are stored on my furl archive, so are still accessible – you will see that both jobs were due to come down on the 18th July, a full week in the future.

I don’t know, but I hope that my original post (and far, far more importantly, the coverage it got from other more prominent blogs, such as DSTPFW and Comment Central) had a little bit of an impact and helped shame the Guardian into removing these ads, which should never have appeared on their website in the first place. 

Call For Papers: YouTube and the 2008 Election Cycle in the United States

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YouTube and the 2008 Election Cycle in the United States
April 3 & 4, 2009 - Amherst, Massachusetts
http://youtube08election.crowdvine.com
 
A two-day conference jointly hosted by:

  • The University of Massachusetts Amherst Department of Political Science
  • The Science, Technology, and Society Initiative (STS) at the University of Massachusetts Amherst
  • The College of Social and Behavioral Sciences
  • The Journal of Information Technology & Politics (JITP)
  • The Qualitative Data Analysis Program (QDAP)

 
Keynote Speakers
Richard Rogers, Professor in New Media & Digital Culture at the University of Amsterdam and Director of govcom.org.
Noshir Contractor, Northwestern University, the Jane S. & William J. White Professor of Behavioral Sciences in the School of Engineering, School of Communication and the Kellogg School of Management at Northwestern University, USA.

Approach
The Program Committee encourages disciplinary and interdisciplinary approaches rooted in political science, media studies, and communication scholarship. The JITP Editor strongly endorses new and experimental approaches involving collaboration with information and computer science scholars. Potential topics might include, but are not limited to:
 
- citizen initiated campaign videos,
- candidates' use of YouTube,
- bloggers use of YouTube to influence the primaries or election,
- the impact of YouTube on traditional or new media coverage of the election cycle,
- the effect of YouTube on citizen interest, knowledge, engagement, or voting behavior,
- social network analysis of YouTube and related election-oriented sites,
- political theory or communication theory and YouTube in the context of the 2008 election,
- new metrics that support the study of the "YouTube Effect" on elections,
- archives for saving and tools for mapping the full landscape of YouTube election content,
- use of YouTube in the classroom as a way to teach American electoral politics, or
- reviews of existing scholarship about YouTube.

Paper Submissions
Authors are invited to prepare and submit to JITP a manuscript following one of the six submission formats by January 7, 2009. These formats include research papers, policy viewpoints, workbench notes, review essays, book reviews, and papers on teaching innovation. The goal is to produce a special issue, or double issue, of JITP with a wide variety of approaches to the broad theme of "YouTube and the 2008 Election Cycle in the United States."

How to Submit
Everything you need to know about how to prepare and submit a strong JITP paper via the JITP web site is documented at http://www.jitp.net. Papers will be put through an expedited blind peer review process by the Program Committee and authors will be notified about a decision by February 15, 2009. A small number of papers will be accepted for presentation at the conference. Other paper authors will be invited to present a poster during the Friday evening reception. All posters must include a "YouTube" version of their research findings.
 
Best Paper and Poster Cash Prizes
The author (or authors) of the best research paper will receive a single $1,000 prize. The creator (or creators) of the best YouTube poster/research presentation will also receive a single prize of $1,000.

Conference Co-Chairs
Stuart Shulman, University of Pittsburgh
Michael Xenos, Louisiana State University
 
Program Committee
Sam Abrams, Harvard University
Micah Altman, Harvard University
Karine Barzilai-Nahon, University of Washington
Lance Bennett, University of Washington
Ryan Biava, University of Wisconsin
Bob Boynton, University of Iowa
Tom Carlson, Åbo Akademi University
Andrew Chadwick, Royal Holloway, University of London
Greg Elmer, Ryerson University
Kirsten Foot, University of Washington
Jane Fountain, University of Massachusetts Amherst
Jeff Guliati, Bentley College
Mike Hais, Co-author, Millennial Makeover: MySpace, YouTube and the Future of American Politics
Matthew Hale, Seton Hall University
Justin Holmes, University of Minnesota
Helen Margetts, Oxford Internet Institute
Mike Margolis, University of Cincinnati
Andrew McCallum, University of Massachusetts Amherst
John McNutt, University of Delaware
Andrew Philpot, University of Southern California-Information Sciences Institute
Antoinette Pole, Montclair State University
Stephen Purpura, Cornell University
Lee Rainie, Pew Internet & American Life Project
Jeffrey Seifert, Congressional Research Service
Mack Shelley, Iowa State University
Charlie Schweik, University of Massachusetts Amherst
Chirag Shah, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
John Wilkerson, University of Washington
Christine Williams, Bentley College
Morley Winograd, University of Southern California
Quan Zhou, University of Wisconsin-Stout

The Wars against Terror have begun

‘The wars against terror have begun, but it will take some time before the nature and composition of these wars are widely understood.’ So argues Philip Bobbitt, a senior advisor to both Republican and Democrat administrations for decades and Professor at Columbia University, in his new book Terror and Consent. We are experiencing a war on terror, but there will be more. This is not simply in light of the expected wars over energy and water in the coming century, but because of a fundamental change in the nature of the state and the communications environment it operates within. Put simply, when states exist, as Bobbitt says they do now, to empower individual citizens and private and third-sector organisations to create economic and social value through global, decentralised networks, then they also create the template for the very form of terror that will strike back against them. Through history, each state has indirectly shaped the nature of terrorists that have attacked it, and today’s ‘market state’ triggers a mirror image response from global, decentralised networks like Al-Qaeda. The wars and terrorist groups of the twentieth century were made possible by – and were a reaction to – the twentieth century nation state. But that state has gone. As long as the twenty-first century is governed by market states, we can expect more wars on terror.

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Bobbitt calls for a fundamental re-think of the relation between strategy and international law so that we have a common framework for dealing with these wars, just as the twentieth century witnessed a particular legal framework for dealing with wars between nation-states. This implies, however, new forms of regulating communication, and on this he is less specific. It is the very diffuse, emergent character of communication today that makes it difficult to get a grip on what is being regulated. This thing, ‘communication’, does not stand still long enough for regulators to comprehend what they are trying to regulate. Last week’s attempt by Viacom to get Google to hand over the details of anyone who has ever viewed Youtube demonstrates this. Bobbitt’s ostensibly reasonable attempt to harness state conduct of war within law (to avoid any repeat of the abuses the current war on terror has produced) could be used to justify unreasonable control of our communications by states.

Given that researchers at the NPCU are producing analysis of jihadist media and the current battles for consent and legitimacy between Al-Qaeda, other jihadist groups, and Western states, we might seem well placed to explain the role of communication in the generation, prosecution or hopefully avoidance of future wars. But it is imperative that far-sighted thinking about law, the state and war should be accompanied by equally far-sighted thinking about communications. One cannot work without the other.

Learning difficulties and the digital divide

One of the best papers I saw in the whole web 2.0 conference held at Royal Holloway a few months back was given by Dr Helen Kennedy. Helen spoke about how people with learning difficulties were being excluded from the web and designers gave little thought as to how to structure websites in such a way as to make them useful and accessible. It was certainly a very thought provoking session. 

For that reason I was thrilled that Helen's work was featured on Channel 4 news yesterday. I do have to declare a slight interest (the report was put together by a Channel 4 researcher who is a friend of mine) but they did a really great job.

[Brightcove videos seem to really upset squarespace, so here's the link].

How many small donors does David Davis have?

Further to my previous comments, David Davis's team have done a lot of work on this website, which is now considerably better. It has a donate online button (still a little bit too tucked away, I would suggest) and a blog which is being frequently updated and allows commenting.

Davis had just published a press release claiming to have a great deal of support from small donors. The sum given is £40,000. This is impressive, but too few details are given for the "small donor" claim to be truly meaningful. I have left a comment on his blog requesting more details.

In the US election, small donors have been hugely important for both Barack Obama and the Ron Paul campaign, and they seem to be a really positive trend, so this press release and the possibility that British politics might see a small dollar funded campaign is a really positive thing. But on the back of that, can I ask two questions:

1. How do you define small donors? In the US they have a very definite cut off point, which is $200 (the point above which where individual donors details - name, address, etc - have to be reported to and published by the Federal Election Commission). 

2. Also, the Obama campaign has published the total number of individuals who have actually given them donations, as this necesserily increased transparency. Would you be interested in following suit, as such an action would seem to fit with the grassroot powered ethos you are trying to engender in your campaign.

[I have crossposted this blog post on my research centre weblog, which examines political communication online:

/npcu-blog/2008/6/25/how-many-small-donors-does-david-davis-have.html ] 

So the let's see if it gets published and also if we get a response.